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Frederick H. Dyer, Compendium of the War of the Rebellion: Regimental Histories 436 436 Browse Search
The Atlanta (Georgia) Campaign: May 1 - September 8, 1864., Part I: General Report. (ed. Maj. George B. Davis, Mr. Leslie J. Perry, Mr. Joseph W. Kirkley) 39 39 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 18 18 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Condensed history of regiments. 15 15 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 13 13 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 7. (ed. Frank Moore) 11 11 Browse Search
William F. Fox, Lt. Col. U. S. V., Regimental Losses in the American Civil War, 1861-1865: A Treatise on the extent and nature of the mortuary losses in the Union regiments, with full and exhaustive statistics compiled from the official records on file in the state military bureaus and at Washington 10 10 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 19, 1861., [Electronic resource] 9 9 Browse Search
Alfred Roman, The military operations of General Beauregard in the war between the states, 1861 to 1865 9 9 Browse Search
Waitt, Ernest Linden, History of the Nineteenth regiment, Massachusetts volunteer infantry , 1861-1865 8 8 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for June 14th or search for June 14th in all documents.

Your search returned 7 results in 4 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
two days afterwards; but he did not seize the opportunity to denounce the invasion. He avowed (June 24) his readiness to vote all necessary supplies, without reference to the origin of the war. He kept out of the heats of the contest, more intent on his briefs than on the vital questions pending; apparently gave his sanction to his son's service as a volunteer with a captain's commission; and confined his criticism of Polk and his Cabinet chiefly to incidents and details. Speeches, May 14 June 24.1846; March 1, 1847; March 17, 23, 1848. Webster's Life, by G. T. Curtis, vol. II. pp. 291, 301, 302, 315. He seemed only in earnest when he was supporting the no territory expedient. Mr. Winthrop did not in any defence or explanation define explicitly the reasons for the vote (May 11) which severed him from his colleagues. His speeches, like those of most of the Whig leaders, do not disclose a definite policy of support or opposition. Addresses and Speeches, vol. i. pp. 526, 527
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
his guard, and even to leave the city, did not deviate from his usual round, and walked always unarmed from his lodgings through the main thoroughfare, Pennsylvania Avenue, to the Capitol. Once at the restaurant, where he dined, he was menaced and insulted; but nothing more was then attempted. To use his own words, The violence was postponed, but the malignant spirit continued active. Works, vol. III. pp. 347-350, where the newspaper articles are in part given. See also Boston Atlas, June 14; New York Evening Post, June 1 and July 5. Sumner wrote to Theodore Parker, June 12:— The great petition for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave bill ought to be presented in the Senate, when its character and history can be recorded, and a debate upon it provoked. In the House it must be presented under the rule, without opportunity for even a word. Bear these things in mind, but without mentioning my name. To present it would be a grateful service for me; but I would not seek th
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
e to Congress late in the session of 1852-1853. He made a speech (March 15, 1854) in favor of the Nebraska bill, and during the same session advocated at length (June 14) a southern route for the Pacific Railroad. These speeches show him to have been a person of only respectable ability, and his friends hardly claimed more for hits,—it will be placed among the ablest parliamentary efforts of our own age or of any age. Congressional Globe, p. 1403; Works, vol. IV. p. 299. Seward wrote, June 14 Mr. Wilson yesterday made a triumphant reply to Mr. Butler, and the best possible vindication of Mr. Sumner. Seward's Life, vol. II. p. 277. Butler undertooent drew from Prescott expressions of sympathy and affection, and awakened in him almost his first interest in the political movement against slavery. He wrote, June 14: You have escaped the crown of martyrdom by a narrow chance, and have got all the honors, which are almost as dangerous to one's head as a gutta-percha cane. The
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
ongress to the country. The account of the scene is compiled from letters to newspapers. Boston Traveller, June 9, by E. L. Pierce; Boston Journal, June 6, by B. P. Poore; Boston Atlas and Bee, June 11, by James Parker; New York Independent, June 14, by D. W. Bartlett; New York Tribune, June 5; New York Evening Post, June 5 and 7; Chautauqua (N. Y.) Democrat, June 13; Iowa City Republican, June 20. W. M. Dickson, of the Cincinnati bar, gave a vivid description of the scene, several years lar history. The antislavery people, those who had been Abolitionists or Free Soilers, read the speech with profound satisfaction, welcoming, it as the most masterly and comprehensive statement of their cause ever made, New York Independent, June 14. and approving most of all its moral inspiration and its arraignment of slavery on fundamental grounds of reason, humanity, and religion, which certain Republican leaders were taking pains to avoid; and they counted on it as likely to be a poten