Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for February 18th or search for February 18th in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
ction. It passed at the end of the session by the exact two-thirds vote required. Among the negative votes were those of Sumner, Wilson, Foot, Trumbull, Wade, Preston King, and Z. Chandler. Seward and Fessenden did not vote. In presenting, February 18, petitions opposed to compromise, Sumner added comments of his own in approval. He expressed his dissent, February 25, from one which prayed for national interference with slavery in the States. During the winter there was a determined effwer duty on books than the fifteen per cent proposed by the bill, and expressed his preference for admitting all books free. He was opposed by Hale of New Hampshire, Baker of Oregon, and Clingman of North Carolina, but assisted by Douglas. February 18, 19, 20. Congressional Globe, pp. 987, 1030, 1047-1051. He continued while in the Senate, whenever the question came up, to contend for free books and free works of art and free instruments for use in scientific education, and was finally suc
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
of Fort Sumter, and his resignation when it was decided to send provisions to the garrison, was the underlying motive with senators for excluding him. He was refused a seat, although his right was maintained by the votes of Anthony, Fessenden, and Frelinghuysen. Works, vol. XII. pp. 257-269. of Indiana, both senators being accused of participating in or giving countenance to the rebellion; and also in the debate on the admission of Stark of Oregon, to whom disloyal conduct was imputed. Feb. 18, 26. June 5, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 346-364. He spoke in favor of the title of Lane of Kansas to his seat, maintaining that he had not lost it by accepting what was alleged to be an incompatible office. Jan. 13, 1862. Works, vol. VI. pp. 242-251. The Internal Tax bill was full of novel points, and required the most laborious and minute attention. Sumner intervened with motions, suggestions, and remarks oftener than any senator not on the committee which reported it, and as of
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
agreed; and Mr. Stephens handed the President on a slip of paper the name of his nephew, and the President handed Mr. Stephens the name of an officer of corresponding rank. This was the only stipulation on that occasion; and the President tells me it has been carried out on each side. Mr. Schleiden, the new minister of the Hanse Towns to London, has been long in Washington, and knows us well. Few foreigners have ever studied us more. I commend him to you and Mr. Cobden. To Lieber, February 18:— The President was exhausted a few days ago; but yesterday he made an appointment with me for eleven o'clock in the evening, and I did not leave him till some time after midnight. I hope you do not dislike the new judge John Lowell, appointed Judge of the United States District Court. I made in Boston. What pleasure I should have had in placing Hillard in some post of comfort and honor, if he had not made it impossible! A reference to George S. Hillard's political course. P
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
the United States to guarantee to every State a republican form of government. He dwelt at almost wearisome length on the meaning of the constitutional phrase, a republican form of government, and rejecting various definitions, maintained as his main thesis that no government was within the guaranty which was founded on caste and excluded great masses of citizens from a share in it solely because of conditions of color and race which were beyond their control. T. W. Higginson, writing February 18, noted with admiration the thoroughness and exhaustiveness of the speech, finding nothing in contemporary statesmanship, here or abroad, to equal it. His quotations, gathered from a wide research in books on morals and politics (some front French sources), were in some instances given a broader meaning than their authors intended. Compare Lieber's letter to Sumner, in his Life and Letters, pp. 360, 361. The latter part of the speech laid stress on the advantages of the ballot in estab
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
e caucus. At 5 P. M. the caucus met, and Sumner, warmly encouraged by his colleague Wilson, renewed his proposition excluding discriminations of race and color in the basis of suffrage for those States; and it was declared to be carried. Fessenden doubted the decision, and Anthony, the chairman, calling on senators to stand, the result was fifteen in favor to thirteen (or perhaps fourteen) against. Fifteen to fourteen are the figures of Mr. Conness, and also of the New York Tribune, February 18. Sumner, in a note to his Works (vol. XI. p. 104), gives the vote as fifteen to thirteen, and in a letter to Mr. Bright as seventeen to fifteen. Sherman gave his recollections of the committee's action, Feb. 10, 1870. Congressional Globe, pp. 1181, 1182. This action committed the Republicans to the requirement of suffrage, irrespective of race or color, in the election of delegates to constitutional conventions, and as the basis of suffrage in the constitutions of the rebel States. W
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
and General Butler came to have an influence with the President, at least in appointments to office, greater than that of any public man, or indeed of all public men, in Massachusetts. General Butler has said: I can say without fear of contradiction that few men possessed a greater share of his confidence, or had more personal influence with General Grant upon public questions, than I had. Butler's Book, p. 855. Sumner renewed at this session his proposition, made in 1867, Feb. 11, 18;7; Works. vol. XI. pp. 98-101. His effort at this time also corresponds with a conviction of his early manhood. Ante, vol. II. p. 159. for an amendment to the Constitution, establishing the ineligibility of the President for a second term, expressly excepting, however, the next election. Dec. 21, 1871, Works, vol. XIV. pp. 320-326; Jan. 11, 1872, Congressional Globe, p. 358. The resolution (which was referred at the next session to the judiciary committee) was introduced by an argumenta