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"3. Supply men to the enemy or entice away others who belong to the German army.

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VIII.

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営業
事業所	宇都宮営業所
住所	320-0071 栃木県宇都宮市野沢町635番地2
TEL	028-666-1000(代)
FAX	028-666-1007

事業所	関東営業所
住所	222-0001 横浜市港北区樽町4丁目8番24号
TEL	045-543-1271(代)
FAX	045-544-1503

事業所	名古屋営業所
住所	470-0201 愛知県みよし市黒笹町丸根1099番25
TEL	0561-33-0600(代)
FAX	0561-33-0621

事業所	大阪営業所
住所	541-0045 大阪市中央区道修町三丁目4番7号
TEL	06-6210-2130(代)
FAX	06-6233-2155

事業所	福岡営業所
住所	812-0012 福岡市博多区博多駅中央街1番1号新幹線博多ビル6F
TEL	092-413-3100(代)
FAX	092-413-2212

事業所	津山配送センター
住所	709-4612 岡山県津山市くめ50番5
TEL	0868-57-7801
FAX	0868-57-7802

技術
事業所	大阪技術センター
住所	541-0045 大阪市中央区道修町三丁目4番7号
TEL	06-6210-2140(代)
FAX	06-6233-2156

事業所	東京技術センター
住所	222-0001 横浜市港北区樽町4丁目8番24号
TEL	045-540-1668(代)
FAX	045-540-2059

事業所	名古屋技術センター
住所	470-0201 愛知県みよし市黒笹町丸根1099番25
TEL	0561-33-0900(代)
FAX	0561-33-0927

事業所	院庄生産技術センター
住所	708-0014 岡山県津山市院庄字沢1089番地
TEL	0868-28-2422(代)
FAX	0868-28-2005

事業所	倉吉生産技術センター
住所	682-0024 鳥取県倉吉市伊木296番地
TEL	0858-26-7660(代)
FAX	0858-47-4370

工場
事業所	西倉吉工場
住所	682-0925 鳥取県倉吉市秋喜243番地1
TEL	0858-28-5111(代)
FAX	0858-48-2000

事業所	倉吉工場
住所	682-0024 鳥取県倉吉市伊木296番地
TEL	0858-26-1411(代)
FAX	0858-26-1421

事業所	院庄工場
住所	708-0014 岡山県津山市院庄字沢1089番地1
TEL	0868-28-1133(代)
FAX	0868-28-2004

事業所	津山工場
住所	708-0871 岡山県津山市中島410番地
TEL	0868-28-0155(代)
FAX	0868-28-7010

事業所	宇都宮工場
住所	321-3231 栃木県宇都宮市清原工業団地1番1号
TEL	028-667-5341(代)
FAX	028-670-1102

事業所	西倉吉研修センター
住所	682-0925 鳥取県倉吉市秋喜243-1
TEL	0858-28-5111(代)
FAX	0858-48-2000

本社
事業所	本社
住所	541-0045 大阪市中央区道修町三丁目4番7号
TEL	06-6210-2102(代)
FAX	06-6210-2132

関連会社
事業所	島根電機(株) 大田工場
住所	699-2211 島根県大田市波根町800番地3
TEL	0854-85-9310(代)
FAX	0854-85-9315

事業所	大原電子工業(株) 津山工場
住所	708-0871 岡山県津山市中島410番地
TEL	0868-28-0154
FAX	0868-28-0250

事業所	大原電子工業(株) 大原工場
住所	707-0415 岡山県美作市宮本48-1
TEL	0868-78-2370
FAX	0868-78-2823

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"We did our utmost to the last, but it was impossible to go on."No sooner did the two imperial systems lose their ascendency than the germs which they had temporarily overshadowed sprang up into vigorous vitality, and for more than4 five centuries dominated the whole course not only of Greek but of European thought. Of these by far the most important was the naturalistic idea, the belief that physical science might be substituted for religious superstitions and local conventions as an impregnable basis of conduct. In a former chapter1 we endeavoured to show that, while there are traces of this idea in the philosophy of Heracleitus, and while its roots stretch far back into the literature and popular faith of Greece, it was formulated for the first time by the two great Sophists, Prodicus and Hippias, who, in the momentous division between Nature and Law, placed themselves��Hippias more particularly��on the side of Nature. Two causes led to the temporary discredit of their teaching. One was the perversion by which natural right became the watchword of those who, like Plato��s Callicles, held that nothing should stand between the strong man and the gratification of his desire for pleasure or for power. The other was the keen criticism of the Humanists, the friends of social convention, who held with Protagoras that Nature was unknowable, or with Gorgias that she did not exist, or with Socrates that her laws were the secret of the gods. It was in particular the overwhelming personal influence of Socrates which triumphed. He drew away from the Sophists their strongest disciple, Antisthenes, and convinced him that philosophy was valuable only in so far as it became a life-renovating power, and that, viewed in this light, it had no relation to anything outside ourselves. But just as Socrates had discarded the physical speculations of former teachers, so also did Antisthenes discard the dialectic which Socrates had substituted for them, even to the extent of denying that definition was possible.2 Yet he seems to have kept a firm hold on the two great ideas that were the net result of all previous philosophy, the idea of a cosmos, the common citizenship of which made all men5 potentially equal,3 and the idea of reason as the essential prerogative of man.4And this one he particularly wanted to see, because the name was unknown to him. In all the swindlers in London it was the first time Prout had heard of one called "Frenchy." And the particular member of the gang--absent from London on business--seemed to be the leader of them all. Once Frenchy showed himself, Prout would give the sign, and within an hour the gang would be laid by the heels.Perhaps no subject has gained so much from the application of the new historical method as that which we have now to study in its connexion with the progress of Greek philosophy. This is the religion of the Roman empire. On199 former occasions, we have had to observe how fruitful was the interaction between faith and reason in the early stages of Greek thought. We have now to show how the same process was continued on a greater scale during its later development and diffusion. The conditions and results of this conflict have sometimes been gravely misconceived. We have said that in more than one direction important advances were made under the empire. In the direction of pure rationalism, however, there was no advance at all, but, on the contrary, a continual loss of the ground formerly won. The polytheism which Christianity displaced turns out to have been far more vigorous and fertile than was once supposed, and in particular to have been supported by a much stronger body not only of popular sentiment, but, what at first seems very surprising, of educated conviction. We were formerly taught to believe that the faith of Homer and Aeschylus, of Pythagoras and Pheidias, was in the last stage of decrepitude when its destined successor appeared, that it had long been abandoned by the philosophers, and was giving place in the minds of the vulgar to more exciting forms of superstition newly imported from the East. The undue preponderance given to purely literary sources of information is largely responsible for an opinion which now appears to have been mistaken. Among the great Roman writers, Lucretius proclaims himself a mortal enemy to religion; Ennius and Horace are disbelievers in providence; the attitude of Juvenal towards the gods and towards a future life is at least ambiguous, and that of Tacitus undecided; Cicero attacks the current superstitions with a vigour which has diverted attention from the essentially religious character of his convictions; Lucian, by far the most popular Greek writer of the empire, is notorious for his hostility to every form of theology. Among less known authors, the elder Pliny passionately denounces the belief in a divine guidance of life and in the immortality of the soul.306200 Taken alone, these instances would tend to prove that sceptical ideas were very widely diffused through Roman society, both before and after the establishment of the empire. Side by side, however, with the authorities just cited there are others breathing a very different spirit; and what we have especially to notice is that with the progress of time the latter party are continually gaining in weight and numbers. And this, as we shall now proceed to show, is precisely what might have been expected from the altered circumstances which ensued when the civilised world was subjected to a single city, and that city herself to a single chief.

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