
This Tenth Malaysia Plan is technically our twelfth; the First Five-Year Plan (for Malaya) commenced in 1955. By the end of the current one, we will have lived 60 years under this planning regime.
If not outright retirement, at least let the plan take its due holiday - a decade-long sabbatical seems fitting. Let's see if we miss it. Chances are, we won't. But chances are, Umno-BN will keep this relic alive, probably with greater desperation as 2020 stares us down.
I believe in development and I believe in making plans. Just not in this way.
I should add that I don't have a problem with the Tenth Malaysia Plan retaining the 30 percent target and revising programs for bumiputera entrepreneurial development.
I welcome Ibrahim Ali's glee. This reflects the powerful interests within our party in power, and shows voters what we get when we vote Umno-BN.
What is more troubling is the fact that this Tenth Plan offers rhetoric to gratify everyone with no substantial consideration of how we've failed and scarcely any concrete solutions that get to the root of problems. In a way, it is mostly following in the tradition of recent plans.
However, this Tenth Plan has precipitously shrunk in detail while stratospherically growing in ambition.
We might welcome the bullet-pointed format, brevity, and visual adornments that sharply contrast with text-laden, drab, monochromatic Malaysia Plans of the past. Perhaps this plan is more accessible - but that does not make it more informed, substantial or useful.
In fact, the opposite. Any 'debate' over this Tenth Plan is an illusion - it does not give us enough substance to engage in.
Signal to placate
To return to the 30 percent equity flashpoint, as I said, whether it's inked or not doesn't really matter, except as a signal to the placated. What is more troubling for the nation is how this plan is as opaque as ever on issues that demand ever greater clarity and transparency.
A 'new wave' of privatisation is promised, without any discussion of the old wave, what went wrong (or plain disastrous) and exactly what checks against abuse are in place this time.
Other plans in the broad objective of bumiputera ownership and participation include channeling resources into Ekuinas and expanding unit trusts. Maybe Ekuinas will not turn into a crony wealth dispenser, but what will prevent that? We aren't told in any detail.
The Plan claims that "unit trust schemes have been very successful in helping bumiputera to participate in and benefit from national wealth creation." Well, yes and no. There are many participants, but most of them own a morsel.
At the end of 2008, 16 percent of Amanah Saham bumiputera 6.5 million unit holders held 91 percent of the total number of units. None of these realities - nor the possibility that individual holdings are predominantly so tiny because of low earnings - is acknowledged in the plan.
I also cannot help notice that this Malaysia Plan does not accurately report equity ownership statistics. The bumiputera share in 2008 stood at 21.9 percent.
However, an explanatory note in all prior plans is now missing: an acknowledgment that government ownership is omitted from these statistics.
I'm sure this is not an insidious attempt to hide information, but it reinforces anxieties that development planning is not grounded in an honest attempt to get to grips with the state we're in.
Going for quick results
The plan does recognise the dire need to reinvigorate the education system, and aims to do things like make teaching more attractive and reward school administrators based on student performance.
Alas, we succumb again to groping for quick results without grasping the implications.
The idea is to market the profession as prestigious and financially rewarding, but not really do anything about the prestige and salary. The plan hypes up the relatively high entry-level pay of teachers, but I suppose it won't be promoting the slow crawl of increments and low exit-level pay.
I'm not sure if any occupation that requires attendance at Biro Tata Negara camps, as teachers have to, can be considered prestigious.
The reward scheme for head teachers and principals seems like a novelty with potential. But this scheme wants to cultivate innovative and critical-minded youth while at the same time rewarding school administrators predominantly for their school's national exam scores.
If we can overlook this contradiction, we are in trouble. Malaysia needs to be extra careful in adopting results-based remuneration, given the depth of our addiction to national exams. There is no trace of such concern in the Tenth Malaysia Plan.
And I don't expect there to be, because it's a plan that touches all sectors and subjects but ends up not grasping any.
Which is why we should stop writing them.
It's also unwise and unproductive to force all sectors to run on the same five year planning and review schedule. Instead of five-year pseudo-plans, we need concrete, long-term programs grounded in honest and in-depth analysis.
Instead of leaving researchers to scrounge for dwindling crumbs of data dropped in the plans, we should make the abundance of data collected through taxpayer funds publicly accessible.
Instead of a mid-term review of the Tenth Malaysia Plan in two years, we will do much better with a retirement speech for five-year Planning.
LEE HWOK AUN is lecturer in development studies at Universiti Malaya.
Similar home ministerial valour must have been present when he chose to
Is there something wrong with these figures? Why has the message of Hindraf resonated when official data paint opposing images of social mobility and nice averages?
Consider some changes that have taken place in the past decade or so.
We are still left with a knowledge gap.
In terms of the gap between individual earnings inequality and household income inequality, we could postulate that combined earnings of Indians, especially in households with both spouses in professional jobs, raised their income to levels significantly higher than Bumiputera households.
In 2005, with 45.8 percent of the total employed Indians engaged as production workers and 4.9 percent as agricultural workers, it is plausible that average individual earnings are on par with the average among employed Bumiputera, of whom 34.1 percent are production workers and 15.2 percent are agricultural workers.
And we could better understand this whole inequality thing, and devise fairer and more effective policies, if the ruling regime would release more information to our - um - knowledge society.



























