One of the problems I've experienced of being a dedicated Liberal/Liberal Democrat supporter is that I've spent a lot of time defending the Labour party from unjust accusations from the Tories and unfair distortions from the overwhelmingly right-wing press. Such is the situation at the moment. The trouble is that it is then difficult to explain that you are not actually a Labour supporter because there is a "more excellent way," Liberalism.
Such is the situation at the moment. I've tried to enumerate some of the many faults of the last Labour government in a previous post but gross economic mismanagement and a casual disregard of the viability of the public finances is not one of them. In fact many of us believed at the time that Gordon Brown, in his early years as Chancellor of the Exchequer, was too "prudent" in sticking to Tory spending plans and this paying off chunks of the National Debt. Yet the Tory PR machine has managed to convince the nation, and even parts of the Labour party itself, that Labour financial irresponsibility is the cause of our present economic woes.
Although not prepared to apologise for Labours economic errors (and why should he?) Ed Balls has now cravenly agreed to the absolute necessity of cuts in the public services (when in his campaign for the Labour leadership he issued an impeccable Keynesian manifesto) and his leader Ed Miliband is pilloried for ineffective leadership. Unfortunately for the latter Ed, much of the criticism comes not just from the Tories and the right wing press, but from his own party, some sections of which seem to have a suicide wish.
To paraphrase R A Butler's famous remark about his leader Harold Macmillan, Ed Milliband is "the best leader they've got." He is slightly ahead in the opinion polls, the election is three years away and what he needs to do is craft a series of policies to create a fairer, greener economic system and a fairer and more participatory constitution, on which he can fight an election in 2015. In the meantime, rather than making predictions about what he can and can't promise for the public service in 2015, he should concentrate on hammering away at the truth that the best way of repairing the public finances now is not by cutting government expenditure but by growth which will revive the tax take and thus the government's income.
Thursday, 19 January 2012
Monday, 16 January 2012
More micromanagement.
Yesterday's Radio 4 programme, "David Cameron's Big Idea" (13h30 on 15/01/12: available for a week on the BBC's "Listen Again" website) claimed that one of the areas of Conservative/Liberal Democrat overlap which excited the negotiating teams which formed the coalition was a mutual desire to put an end to Westminster and Whitehall dictacts and devolve decision making to the lowest possible levels.
Alas this enthusiasms for trusting professionals and the people has been very short lived. The year is as yet not a month old and nurses have been ordered from the top to visit their patients every hour. Local councils have been told they can no longer fine people for mixing up their rubbish or putting it out on the wrong day; (this on top of last year's instruction that they must collect the rubbish every week). Schools have been told that the existing curriculum for computer studies is boring and inadequate but, rather than trusting the teachers to decide for themselves what is best for their pupils, a new prescription is to be issued.
So once again we have the mixture as before, and the "top down" management for which Labour was rightly criticised simply continues. Is it any wonder that the electorate lack trust in politicians and believe "you're all the same."?
After failing in the 1960s I'm now making a second and, so far more successful, attempt at reading Joseph Heller's "Catch 22". This quotation from pages 130/131 of the 50th anniversary edition resonates:
Without realising how it had come about, the combat men in the squadron discovered themselves dominated by the administrators appointed to serve them. They were bullied, insulted, harassed, and shoved about all day long by one after the other.
For "combat men" read "nurses, teachers, councillors et at", for a"administrators" read central government.
Alas this enthusiasms for trusting professionals and the people has been very short lived. The year is as yet not a month old and nurses have been ordered from the top to visit their patients every hour. Local councils have been told they can no longer fine people for mixing up their rubbish or putting it out on the wrong day; (this on top of last year's instruction that they must collect the rubbish every week). Schools have been told that the existing curriculum for computer studies is boring and inadequate but, rather than trusting the teachers to decide for themselves what is best for their pupils, a new prescription is to be issued.
So once again we have the mixture as before, and the "top down" management for which Labour was rightly criticised simply continues. Is it any wonder that the electorate lack trust in politicians and believe "you're all the same."?
After failing in the 1960s I'm now making a second and, so far more successful, attempt at reading Joseph Heller's "Catch 22". This quotation from pages 130/131 of the 50th anniversary edition resonates:
Without realising how it had come about, the combat men in the squadron discovered themselves dominated by the administrators appointed to serve them. They were bullied, insulted, harassed, and shoved about all day long by one after the other.
For "combat men" read "nurses, teachers, councillors et at", for a"administrators" read central government.
Friday, 13 January 2012
Our disunited kingdom.
There is an insurance company which advertises that it won't make a drama out of a crisis (or maybe the other way round - I'm not sure which they regards as the more traumatic.) Unfortunately our politicians seem adept at doing exactly that. The constitutional future of Scotland could easily be settled by "quiet calm deliberation" but instead the various options bombard each other with half-truths and predictions of disaster.
Alex Salmond wants to delay the referendum because he observes that support for independence, at present well below 50%, increases with time, so pretends that it will take a long time to make the preparations. David Cameron wants the referendum sooner for the same reason, so pretends that any delay will be bad for business confidence and growth. Others chip in with varied legal obfuscations as to who has a constitutional right to call a referendum.
To me the obvious and best solution is that Scotland should have "home rule": authority over all domestic matters and sharing defence, foreign policy and odd bits and pieces such as the meteorological office and parts of the BBC with the United Kingdom. Liberals have campaigned for something on these lines ever since I've been a member of the party, and, indeed had a similar devolution of power been granted to Ireland, as proposed in Gladstone's First Home Rule Bill in 1886, over a century of strife and bloodshed could have been avoided.
The sensible thing to do is to have the referendum, let Salmond have his two questions (more if he likes) and I'm fairly certain the Scots will vote for home rule, which is now called "Devolution Max", and we can then move on to make similar arrangement for the Regions of England.
Instead our politicians shriek "crisis," their bandy half-truths, deny their real motives and bring the democratic process into disrepute.
Alex Salmond wants to delay the referendum because he observes that support for independence, at present well below 50%, increases with time, so pretends that it will take a long time to make the preparations. David Cameron wants the referendum sooner for the same reason, so pretends that any delay will be bad for business confidence and growth. Others chip in with varied legal obfuscations as to who has a constitutional right to call a referendum.
To me the obvious and best solution is that Scotland should have "home rule": authority over all domestic matters and sharing defence, foreign policy and odd bits and pieces such as the meteorological office and parts of the BBC with the United Kingdom. Liberals have campaigned for something on these lines ever since I've been a member of the party, and, indeed had a similar devolution of power been granted to Ireland, as proposed in Gladstone's First Home Rule Bill in 1886, over a century of strife and bloodshed could have been avoided.
The sensible thing to do is to have the referendum, let Salmond have his two questions (more if he likes) and I'm fairly certain the Scots will vote for home rule, which is now called "Devolution Max", and we can then move on to make similar arrangement for the Regions of England.
Instead our politicians shriek "crisis," their bandy half-truths, deny their real motives and bring the democratic process into disrepute.
Wednesday, 11 January 2012
Guardian Pushmepullyou
The Guardian faces both ways on the approval of the plan for a high speed rail link from London to Birmingham, with eventual extensions to Manchester and Leeds. A leading article, "Big ticket transport" (11/01/12 - the "link" thing is not behaving itself) gives reasonably enthusiastic support, whilst their columnist Simon Jenkins describes it as "A triumph for all rail nerds (and) money beyond all sense" (also 11/01/12). I find myself comfortably on the side of Jenkins and, for the first time in my life the self-styled Taxpayers' Alliance, who I believe have described the scheme as a "rich man's train set."
As a dedicated Keynesian I am of course delighted that the government is planning to spend £33bn on the development of the infrastructure, but suspect there are many more projects on which the money could be spent which would be both more environmentally friendly and of more use to the majority of the population. I suspect that the government has plumbed for HS2 as a pathetic attempt to keep up with the continental Joneses. But France, for example, has over twice the land area of the UK so it is very useful to have high-speed trains for getting from one end of the country to the other without leaving the ground. By contrast, 40 minutes off the journey time from London to Birmingham is unlikely either to facilitate an economic miracle or improve the quality and convenience of most of our lives.
If and when HS2 is completed I suspect its fares will be so astronomical that only businessmen on expenses will use it, and those of us who search the web for cheaper options will still be travelling along the existing network. (Which, for long journeys, is highly satisfactory. In my college days in London in the 1950s the journey time from Leeds was about five hours: now it is just over two, and very comfortable, apart from the incessant announcements from the staff, even in the so-called quiet coach.)
I am not a transport expert but I suspect that £33bn spent on electrifying the remaining parts of the long-distance network, upgrading the ramshackle cross-country and urban commuter services, providing every major city with a tram system, allocating a dedicated coach lane on the motorways and upgrading the broad canal systems to take more freight would be of far more value to the economy and to the quality of life of the majority of us.
Simon Jenkins claims that the government has caved in to a lobby "led by contractors and consultants who (have) manoeuvred themselves into what has become almost an arm of government." I hope a groundswell of opposition, not just from those on the route who are worried about their back yards, but from ordinary people throughout the country who are missing out on the alternatives ,will force a change of heart.
As a dedicated Keynesian I am of course delighted that the government is planning to spend £33bn on the development of the infrastructure, but suspect there are many more projects on which the money could be spent which would be both more environmentally friendly and of more use to the majority of the population. I suspect that the government has plumbed for HS2 as a pathetic attempt to keep up with the continental Joneses. But France, for example, has over twice the land area of the UK so it is very useful to have high-speed trains for getting from one end of the country to the other without leaving the ground. By contrast, 40 minutes off the journey time from London to Birmingham is unlikely either to facilitate an economic miracle or improve the quality and convenience of most of our lives.
If and when HS2 is completed I suspect its fares will be so astronomical that only businessmen on expenses will use it, and those of us who search the web for cheaper options will still be travelling along the existing network. (Which, for long journeys, is highly satisfactory. In my college days in London in the 1950s the journey time from Leeds was about five hours: now it is just over two, and very comfortable, apart from the incessant announcements from the staff, even in the so-called quiet coach.)
I am not a transport expert but I suspect that £33bn spent on electrifying the remaining parts of the long-distance network, upgrading the ramshackle cross-country and urban commuter services, providing every major city with a tram system, allocating a dedicated coach lane on the motorways and upgrading the broad canal systems to take more freight would be of far more value to the economy and to the quality of life of the majority of us.
Simon Jenkins claims that the government has caved in to a lobby "led by contractors and consultants who (have) manoeuvred themselves into what has become almost an arm of government." I hope a groundswell of opposition, not just from those on the route who are worried about their back yards, but from ordinary people throughout the country who are missing out on the alternatives ,will force a change of heart.
Tuesday, 10 January 2012
The truth about the failures of the Labour governemt.
I am an admirer of the BBC, believe it to be reasonable, impartial and objective, and that it should be defended at all costs against the assaults of the Murdoch empire.
Having said that, I believe that the interview on this morning's "Today" programme between John Humphries and Ed Miliband was grossly unfair. Again and again Humphries attributed our present economic woes to the profligacy of the previous Labour government, and challenged Miliband to accept responsibility. Alas Miliband made no attempt to deny the accusation, but tried to divert the conversation from a discussion of the past to his views (one can hardly call it a vision) of the future.
It is shameful that in our highly educated and sophisticated democracy the convenient Tory lie that the primary responsibility for out present economic situation lies with Labour has become accepted truth.
It needs to be said loudly and clearly, that, in this country, in order of culpability, our present woes are the responsibility of:
1. Irresponsible capitalism made possible by the neo-liberal economic policies of market sovereignty and deregulation, introduced by the Thatcher-Major governments.
2. The Blair-Brown Labour government which went along with the prevailing philosophy. In this acquiescence they were egged along by the Tories, who urged even more deregulation.
3. The Liberal Democrats,who, having moved to the "Orange Book" right in economic affairs, failed to provide sufficiently vigorous opposition, although Vince Cable did fire a few warning shots.
I am not now nor ever have been a Labour party supporter (nor a Communist either for that matter.) The Labour government did fail, and instead of condoning the current convenient misrepresentation of their economic culpability Liberal Democrats and the responsible media should be exposing the real failings in the "13 wasted years" (an interesting echo of the 1960s), which, in my view are:
in Foreign Policy
+ Iraq war, collapse of ethic foreign policy project and general toadying to the US on foreign policy.
+ failure to engage positively with the EU
in Economic and Social Policy
+ failure to reform taxation and tax rich effectively
+ failure to close tax loop-holes, close tax havens, tax companies effectively
+ continuance of expensive and ineffective PFI projects
+ further privatisations (Air Traffic control, attempt at the Post Office)
+ no attempt to reform company law in the interests of all “stakeholders.”
+ failure to re-link pensions to earnings or prices, whichever is the higher
+ hence a growing gap between rich and poor
+vilification of claimants and those on welfare benefits
+ in summary, a continuance of the Thatcher-Major neo-liberal mixture as before.
in Constitutional affairs
+ breaking of manifesto promise on electoral reform
+ half hearted devolution to Scotland and Wales.
+ quarter-hearted attempt at devolution the English regions
+ further reductions in autonomy of local government
+ incomplete reform of the second chamber
+ failure to reform party funding
+ continued obeisance to powerful interests (Ecclestone, Murdoch press)
on Civil Rights
+ attempt to introduce ID cards
+ attempt to reduce right to trial by jury
+ extension of permitted period of detention without trial .
in Style
+ “sofa” rather than cabinet government
+ attempts to micromanage NHS, Education, and even devolved governments.
If Ed Miliband wishes to demonstrate that his party has changed then it is these issues he needs to address.
Having said that, I believe that the interview on this morning's "Today" programme between John Humphries and Ed Miliband was grossly unfair. Again and again Humphries attributed our present economic woes to the profligacy of the previous Labour government, and challenged Miliband to accept responsibility. Alas Miliband made no attempt to deny the accusation, but tried to divert the conversation from a discussion of the past to his views (one can hardly call it a vision) of the future.
It is shameful that in our highly educated and sophisticated democracy the convenient Tory lie that the primary responsibility for out present economic situation lies with Labour has become accepted truth.
It needs to be said loudly and clearly, that, in this country, in order of culpability, our present woes are the responsibility of:
1. Irresponsible capitalism made possible by the neo-liberal economic policies of market sovereignty and deregulation, introduced by the Thatcher-Major governments.
2. The Blair-Brown Labour government which went along with the prevailing philosophy. In this acquiescence they were egged along by the Tories, who urged even more deregulation.
3. The Liberal Democrats,who, having moved to the "Orange Book" right in economic affairs, failed to provide sufficiently vigorous opposition, although Vince Cable did fire a few warning shots.
I am not now nor ever have been a Labour party supporter (nor a Communist either for that matter.) The Labour government did fail, and instead of condoning the current convenient misrepresentation of their economic culpability Liberal Democrats and the responsible media should be exposing the real failings in the "13 wasted years" (an interesting echo of the 1960s), which, in my view are:
in Foreign Policy
+ Iraq war, collapse of ethic foreign policy project and general toadying to the US on foreign policy.
+ failure to engage positively with the EU
in Economic and Social Policy
+ failure to reform taxation and tax rich effectively
+ failure to close tax loop-holes, close tax havens, tax companies effectively
+ continuance of expensive and ineffective PFI projects
+ further privatisations (Air Traffic control, attempt at the Post Office)
+ no attempt to reform company law in the interests of all “stakeholders.”
+ failure to re-link pensions to earnings or prices, whichever is the higher
+ hence a growing gap between rich and poor
+vilification of claimants and those on welfare benefits
+ in summary, a continuance of the Thatcher-Major neo-liberal mixture as before.
in Constitutional affairs
+ breaking of manifesto promise on electoral reform
+ half hearted devolution to Scotland and Wales.
+ quarter-hearted attempt at devolution the English regions
+ further reductions in autonomy of local government
+ incomplete reform of the second chamber
+ failure to reform party funding
+ continued obeisance to powerful interests (Ecclestone, Murdoch press)
on Civil Rights
+ attempt to introduce ID cards
+ attempt to reduce right to trial by jury
+ extension of permitted period of detention without trial .
in Style
+ “sofa” rather than cabinet government
+ attempts to micromanage NHS, Education, and even devolved governments.
If Ed Miliband wishes to demonstrate that his party has changed then it is these issues he needs to address.
Saturday, 7 January 2012
Putting the boot in on executive pay.
It is good news that Nick Clegg is going to use his deputy-priministerial status to "do something" about the excesses of executive pay, and the signs are that David Cameron is, at least vaguely, "on side" on the issue. Unfortunately the most likely option is to put an employee representative, or maybe representatives, on remuneration boards. This sounds more like an unprotected little toe rather than a steel-toecapped boot.
Certainly one employee representative will not be enough. Two would be better, but even they would need substantial back-up to produce arguments based on research and evidence in addition to moral indignation.
Economic historians tell us that the "invention" of the Joint Stock Company with limited liability was as important to the development of the Industrial Revolution as the technological inventions, since it enabled investors to put money into companies without putting their entire fortunes at risk.
When I first campaigned as a Liberal in the 1960s we argued that the existing Joint Stock Company was no longer "fit for purpose" and we proposed lots of ingenious plans to ensure that company boards should have equal representatives of shareholders, employees and the community. No one interest should have an automatic majority, so companies would be forced towards decisions that were in the interest of all concerned, rather than just the shareholders.
That still seems a good idea, and I suggest that Liberal Democrats in government should search the party archives and dust down these splendid ideas. If it is felt that things have moved on in the last half century than, rather than a feeble couple of "worker representative" I'd like to see Nick Clegg use his deput-priminister's department, in conjunction with Vince Cable's Department for Business, to produce proposals for a major revision of company law which will ensure that the interests of all relvant influences are taken into account when companies make decisions.
It is not just remuneration boards which need reforming, but the entire way our capitalist sector is organised. Liberal Democrats have made great sacrifices by going into government. We might at least try to ensure that something substantial comes out of the pot, and not just sticking-plaster remedies.
Certainly one employee representative will not be enough. Two would be better, but even they would need substantial back-up to produce arguments based on research and evidence in addition to moral indignation.
Economic historians tell us that the "invention" of the Joint Stock Company with limited liability was as important to the development of the Industrial Revolution as the technological inventions, since it enabled investors to put money into companies without putting their entire fortunes at risk.
When I first campaigned as a Liberal in the 1960s we argued that the existing Joint Stock Company was no longer "fit for purpose" and we proposed lots of ingenious plans to ensure that company boards should have equal representatives of shareholders, employees and the community. No one interest should have an automatic majority, so companies would be forced towards decisions that were in the interest of all concerned, rather than just the shareholders.
That still seems a good idea, and I suggest that Liberal Democrats in government should search the party archives and dust down these splendid ideas. If it is felt that things have moved on in the last half century than, rather than a feeble couple of "worker representative" I'd like to see Nick Clegg use his deput-priminister's department, in conjunction with Vince Cable's Department for Business, to produce proposals for a major revision of company law which will ensure that the interests of all relvant influences are taken into account when companies make decisions.
It is not just remuneration boards which need reforming, but the entire way our capitalist sector is organised. Liberal Democrats have made great sacrifices by going into government. We might at least try to ensure that something substantial comes out of the pot, and not just sticking-plaster remedies.
Thursday, 5 January 2012
Back to the "undeserving " poor?
I don't pretend to be an expert on the highly complex welfare system, but it seems to me that, in his Guardian article, "Beveridge for this century" Liam Byrne wants the Labour Party to revert to making a distinction between the "deserving" and "undeserving"poor. Byrne, shadow Work and Pensions secretary, claims that state help should be based on "something for something" and should reward "those who are desperately trying to do the right thing." He quotes Ed Miliband: "..we (Labour) are on the side of people who work hard and do the right thing."
Well, of course they are, and so is everyone else, but there is in the article no mention of how to differentiate between these virtuous citizens and those who don't meet the criteria, nor what to do about these less virtuous fellow citizens. Will Labour let them (and, more poignantly, their children) starve, leave them to build tree houses in the woods? (Byrne points out that housing benefit costs and "unbelievable" £20bn a year.)
It must have been in the 1960s or thereabouts that either Richard Titmuss or Peter Townsend (I can't remember which, but both were eminent sociologists and experts on welfare) wrote:
When the economic history of this era comes to be written the problem of the skiver will not merit so much as a footnote.
In spite of this, then as now we let the mistaken concept that vast hordes are ripping off the system and undeservedly getting "something for nothing" dictate our welfare policy, to the detriment of the quality of our civilisation.
Some years ago I heard a Radio 4 "Thought for the Day" speaker claim that, on top of the basic physical needs of security, shelter, warmth and food, all of us have three basic psychological needs:
-to know that somebody, somewhere, cares what happens to us;
-to feel that somebody, somewhere, has benefited from our existence;
-to pay our way.
All three of these make sense to me. In the context of welfare it is the third that is relevant. I cannot believe that there are many who are comfortable with being permanent spongers, either on their families, their friends or the state. Of course there are some, but we all have our pride and put a brave face on things when we are forced to accept welfare, and may make up boastful stories rather than admit that we can't find a niche in society which enables us to support ourselves. We mustn't let this minority and their self-justifying fictions wag the welfare dog.
The solution to the problem of these "undeserving poor" is to give to us all a Citizens' Income, as the Green Party has advocated and which the Liberal Democrats supported until we got cold feet. A Citizens' Income is received as or right, "deserved" because we are citizens. Those who chose to live on this very minimum income are welcome to do so and good luck to them.
Much better for Labour to adopt a visionary policy such as this rather than revert to a discredited and irrelevant Victorian concept
Well, of course they are, and so is everyone else, but there is in the article no mention of how to differentiate between these virtuous citizens and those who don't meet the criteria, nor what to do about these less virtuous fellow citizens. Will Labour let them (and, more poignantly, their children) starve, leave them to build tree houses in the woods? (Byrne points out that housing benefit costs and "unbelievable" £20bn a year.)
It must have been in the 1960s or thereabouts that either Richard Titmuss or Peter Townsend (I can't remember which, but both were eminent sociologists and experts on welfare) wrote:
When the economic history of this era comes to be written the problem of the skiver will not merit so much as a footnote.
In spite of this, then as now we let the mistaken concept that vast hordes are ripping off the system and undeservedly getting "something for nothing" dictate our welfare policy, to the detriment of the quality of our civilisation.
Some years ago I heard a Radio 4 "Thought for the Day" speaker claim that, on top of the basic physical needs of security, shelter, warmth and food, all of us have three basic psychological needs:
-to know that somebody, somewhere, cares what happens to us;
-to feel that somebody, somewhere, has benefited from our existence;
-to pay our way.
All three of these make sense to me. In the context of welfare it is the third that is relevant. I cannot believe that there are many who are comfortable with being permanent spongers, either on their families, their friends or the state. Of course there are some, but we all have our pride and put a brave face on things when we are forced to accept welfare, and may make up boastful stories rather than admit that we can't find a niche in society which enables us to support ourselves. We mustn't let this minority and their self-justifying fictions wag the welfare dog.
The solution to the problem of these "undeserving poor" is to give to us all a Citizens' Income, as the Green Party has advocated and which the Liberal Democrats supported until we got cold feet. A Citizens' Income is received as or right, "deserved" because we are citizens. Those who chose to live on this very minimum income are welcome to do so and good luck to them.
Much better for Labour to adopt a visionary policy such as this rather than revert to a discredited and irrelevant Victorian concept
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